全文获取类型
收费全文 | 146篇 |
免费 | 6篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 11篇 |
工人农民 | 17篇 |
世界政治 | 15篇 |
外交国际关系 | 12篇 |
法律 | 66篇 |
政治理论 | 31篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 2篇 |
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 7篇 |
2019年 | 3篇 |
2018年 | 8篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 5篇 |
2015年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 6篇 |
2013年 | 29篇 |
2012年 | 8篇 |
2011年 | 3篇 |
2010年 | 6篇 |
2009年 | 8篇 |
2008年 | 1篇 |
2007年 | 8篇 |
2006年 | 9篇 |
2005年 | 2篇 |
2004年 | 8篇 |
2003年 | 4篇 |
2002年 | 5篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 1篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 3篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有152条查询结果,搜索用时 687 毫秒
101.
Although adolescence marks a vulnerable stage for peer influence on health behavior, little is known about the longitudinal and dynamic relationship between adolescent friendship and weight control. The current study aims to explain these dynamic processes among a sample of 1156 American adolescents in grades 9–11 (48.6% girls, 23.4% European American, 25.2% African American) from the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health. Stochastic actor-oriented models were fit to examine changes in friendship networks and unhealthy weight control across two waves. The findings support a bidirectional relationship where weight control predicts future friendship seeking and friendship seeking predicts future weight control. The findings also indicate that adolescents prefer friends with similar weight control patterns. Taken together, the results of the current study indicate that adolescent friendships play an integral role in the development of unhealthy weight control and thus can be used to identify adolescents at risk and serve as targets within preventive interventions. 相似文献
102.
Simone Gigliotti 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2003,49(2):164-181
This article examines the role of testimony in the production of the memory of the Holocaust and the practice of forcible removals in Australia as "limit events". A "limit event" is an event or practice of such magnitude and profound violence that its effects rupture the otherwise normative foundations of legitimacy and so-called civilising tendencies that underlie the constitution of political and moral community. The references are the stories of removal collated in Bringing Them Home , and eyewitness testimonies from the trial of Adolf Eichmann in Jerusalem in 1961. By situating the stolen generations and the Eichmann trial as limit events, I argue that the effects of witnessing and story-telling exposed a cultural semantics of what was speakable and unspeakable in the narratives of judging historical injustice and remembering past traumas. 相似文献
103.
Simone Gigliotti 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2007,53(1):84-95
This article investigates three recent human rights memoirs that chronicle the Rwandan genocide of 1994: Emergency Sex (and other desperate measures): True Stories from a War Zone, Shake Hands with the Devil: the failure of humanity in Rwanda, and The Zanzibar Chest: a memoir of love and war. I use these memoirs to explore the complexities of bearing witness to ethnic violence and war as an autobiographical subject shaped by the memory of historical atrocity — as a besieged self in traumatic occupations of the UN protector (Roméo Dallaire), lawyer (Kenneth Cain), and war correspondent (Aidan Hartley). Finally, I suggest that the authors of these memoirs are secondary witnesses, claimants to ethical truths and writers of atrocity testimony that complicate the burgeoning life‐telling compulsion of what is and who can claim to be a genocide victim. “Your mind with time, in fact, doesn't erase things that are traumas. It makes them clearer. They become digitally clearer and then you are able to sit back and all of a sudden have every individual scene come to you instead of the massive blur of many scenes I saw every day. The accumulation of the spirits that would come to you at night in the form of eyes, thousands of eyes, some mad, some simply there, and others bewildered, innocent children and adults, all that accumulated to the fact that I simply totally broke down”. (Roméo Dallaire) “What's true is that we didn't understand at the time the full magnitude of what was happening. I was an ant walking over the rough hide of an elephant. I had no idea of the scale of what I was witnessing. And when I did become aware I discovered Rwanda was way beyond my limited talents as a correspondent”. (Aidan Hartley, The Zanzibar Chest) “I don't know who saved the honor of mankind during my time in the field, but I do know that an ancestral memory of tyranny commands me not to keep silent. There is no ambiguity here. I am a witness. I have a voice. I have to write it down”. (Kenneth Cain, Emergency Sex) 相似文献
104.
Simone Remijnse 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2001,20(4):454-469
During the civil war in Guatemala, which only ended with the signing of the comprehensive Peace Accords in December 1996, the military organised the male population throughout the Guatemalan highlands into civil defence patrols (Patrullas de Autodefensa Civil, PAC). Initially set up to help the military to win the war, they eventually evolved into a local power player in their own right. Although the patrols were dismantled in 1996, former patrols still influence daily life. This paper examines how, at the municipal level, current memories of the civil war, especially of the civil defence patrols, still shape perceptions, actions, and social relations. These are marked by fear, prejudice, and distrust, thereby creating important impediments for erasing the legacy of violence and building local democracy and civil society. 相似文献
105.
Nowadays, forensic age estimation takes an important role in worldwide forensic and medico-legal institutes that are solicited by judicial or administrative authorities for providing an expert report on the age of individuals. The authorities’ ultimate issue of interest is often the probability that the person is younger or older than a given age threshold, which is usually the age of majority. Such information is fundamental for deciding whether a person being judged falls under the legal category of an adult. This is a decision that may have important consequences for the individual, depending on the legal framework in which the decision is made. The aim of this paper is to introduce a normative approach for assisting the authority in the decision-making process given knowledge from available findings reported by means of probabilities. The normative approach proposed here has been acknowledged in the forensic framework, and represents a promising structure for reasoning that can support the decision-making process in forensic age estimation. The paper introduces the fundamental elements of decision theory applied to the specific case of age estimation, and provides some examples to illustrate its practical application. 相似文献
106.
107.
Simone Ledermann 《Swiss Political Science Review》2014,20(3):453-485
Der Evidence‐Based Policy‐Ansatz hat international Reformen ausgelöst und Studien zum Verhältnis von Wissen und Politik angestossen, wobei ein klares Verständnis von “Evidenz” nach wie vor fehlt. In diesem Artikel wird eine Typologie politikrelevanter Wissensarten entwickelt, die zwischen systematischer Evidenz und personengebundener Expertise sowie zwischen den Politikdimensionen Policy, Politics und Polity unterscheidet. Auf dieser konzeptionellen Grundlage wird empirisch erfasst, welches Wissen die Verwaltung und externe Experten während der bisher kaum untersuchten Frühphase von Gesetzgebungsverfahren auf Bundesebene beitragen. Es zeigt sich, dass die federführenden Verwaltungsakteure kaum über Expertise verfügen, die für den Gesetzgebungsprozess relevant wäre, doch versuchen sie, ihre Wissenslücken je nach Dimension unterschiedlich zu kompensieren. Externe Experten leisten einen bescheidenen Wissensbeitrag, weshalb ihre Beteiligung primär als Mittel für die politische Kompromissfindung verstanden werden muss. Dies eröffnet aus demokratietheoretischer Sicht Diskussionsbedarf. 相似文献
108.
109.
Prior to its full membership in the United Nations, Switzerland was an active observer and even an active member of many specialized UN agencies. However, ten years ago, Swiss voters finally approved full UN membership and in 2002, behavioral data started to become available on Switzerland's involvement in the major UN assemblies. Switzerland was admitted to the UN General Assembly (UNGA) as a full member on September 10th, 2002 and was elected to the newly created UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in 2006. Switzerland wished to be an active partner in both of these assemblies. In this research note we describe, based on novel data collected on the UNGA and the UNHRC, how Switzerland positions itself in the “orchestra of nations.” 相似文献
110.
Jeffrey Pugh 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(1):83-105
During more than a decade of violent conflict (1980–1992) involving the military, rebel forces, and paramilitary "death squads," El Salvador suffered some 75,000 casualties, mostly civilians. After three years of negotiations, the government and the largest rebel group signed a historic comprehensive peace accord that brought an end to the war and instituted wide-reaching political and social reforms. This agreement, and the peace process that produced it, has been widely hailed as a successful example of a negotiated end to civil war. In order to understand the conditions that led to the 1992 Chapultepec Peace Accords ending the war, this article tests ripeness theory in the context of the Salvadoran peace process.
This article affirms the validity of theories of ripeness and the mutually hurting stalemate as structural explanations for the initiation of dialogue and notes the role of "indicators of ripeness" in forcing the parties to recognize a hurting stalemate that may already exist. It also proposes several hypothesized explanations for the effectiveness of the Salvadoran negotiations themselves. These explanations include the presence of strong, empowered policy entrepreneurs on both sides with the political will and capability to make credible commitments; the combination of internal and external pressure for a negotiated solution that raised the cost of defection; and the active involvement, based on consent of both parties, of a neutral, empowered, and credible mediator who provided both technical assistance and vigilance to move the process forward. After analyzing the Salvadoran case through this theoretical lens, the article applies the same concepts to contemporary conflict cases such as Iraq and Colombia, discussing how the lessons learned in El Salvador do and do not provide instructive guidance for managing civil conflicts today. 相似文献
This article affirms the validity of theories of ripeness and the mutually hurting stalemate as structural explanations for the initiation of dialogue and notes the role of "indicators of ripeness" in forcing the parties to recognize a hurting stalemate that may already exist. It also proposes several hypothesized explanations for the effectiveness of the Salvadoran negotiations themselves. These explanations include the presence of strong, empowered policy entrepreneurs on both sides with the political will and capability to make credible commitments; the combination of internal and external pressure for a negotiated solution that raised the cost of defection; and the active involvement, based on consent of both parties, of a neutral, empowered, and credible mediator who provided both technical assistance and vigilance to move the process forward. After analyzing the Salvadoran case through this theoretical lens, the article applies the same concepts to contemporary conflict cases such as Iraq and Colombia, discussing how the lessons learned in El Salvador do and do not provide instructive guidance for managing civil conflicts today. 相似文献